Archive for the ‘Immigration and the economy’ Category

What You Need To Know Regarding Fiancee Visas.

Saturday, May 22nd, 2010

When your second half lives abroad, the process of bringing them to the United States of America can be challenging and long. A K1 Visa (also called a fiancee visa) provides a venue for loving couples to hasten the process of bringing the foreign citizen to the United States. You should have a Fiancee Visa attorney who is a proven K1 Visa attorney and an expert in the area to assist you. A Fiancee Visa Lawyer will save you time, money and give you a comfort.

A fiancee visa application is an administrative procedure, where the United States Department of Homeland Security, Department of State, and the bureaucracy in your fiancee’s home country demand strict conformity with K1 visa processing. Experienced fiancee visa Lawyers have been there and done that many times already. Alek El-Kamhawy, the principal attorney with “EL KAMHAWY LAW, LLC”, is an adjunct professor of immigration law in the Paralegal Department at Cuyahoga Community College, Ohio.

At “EL KAMHAWY LAW, LLC” we have had a dedicated department in our immigration section that has rigorously focused on family-based sponsorship since 1997. Fiancee visa processing and fiancee visa applications have been an key part of our vocation. Our expert fiancee visa attorneys will consult, guide and help you through the entire fiancee visa application process and processing stages. Our K1 visa attorneys will talk to you and your fiancee directly, and as often as needed.

In practice since 1997, we have never lost a visa! We have never surrendered! We are fluent in Russian and Ukrainian. We are a member of the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).

An application for a so-called K1 visa provides American citizens with the chance to bring their fiancee to the United States relatively hastily. Upon approval of the correctly completed K1 visa application, the fiancee can enter the United States and stay for the introductory period of ninety days. During that time an official marriage must take place. Later, the foreign national fiancee can apply to adjust their status to permanent residency – green card and secure work authorization in the United States.

When time is of the essence, an experienced Fiancee Visa Attorney can help! Generally there is a shorter waiting period for an approval of fiancee Visa compared to marriage-based immigration proceedings. Furthermore, children of the fiancee are able to accompany their parent to the United States. If the children are correctly named in the fiancee visa application, they will be issued a so-called K2 visa.

It helps to have an experienced K1 Fiancee Visa Attorney on your side! An experienced Fiancee Visa Attorney can help you adhere with the bureaucracy’s requirements. A LOT!

If you are ready, an expert K1 Visa Lawyer is ready to help you!

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How To Use Immigration Services For Resources On Citizenship And Naturalization, Finding Immigration Forms

Saturday, February 6th, 2010

For over one hundred years and just about as long as the USA has been allowing foreigners to enter America, there has been Immigration Services to aid those in need. What I am going to focus on here is using Immigration Services to help in finding Immigration Forms and data on Citizenship and Naturalization.

If you are dreaming of coming to the USA, then you may want to consider first taking a look at the USCIS webpage for resources on everything from downloading forms, immigration schedules, timetables and help on naturalization. The site will help you with general information.

Reading all this general information is the first step to getting the right data and proceeding forward in your quest to immigrate to the USA. One of the top immigration choices for individuals coming to the USA is the K1 Visa. Not only is it the easy way to enter the USA, it is the most enjoyable. This is the Visa that allows a person to enter the USA as a fiance with the intention of marrying a US Citizen.

data found on the government site, the most important areas are explained below.

1) Access the free USCIS webpage and look for the forms section. Go to the USCIS site and search for the form dowload section. Once you are there take a look around for a section called immigration forms or download forms. There you will find every kind of form and instruction available for any type of Visa. For instance, if you are searching for information on K1 Visa. There is a form and instruction that talks about what a person needs to do to acquire such a Visa. Often times a person does not need an attorney to acquire their Visa. This website may be enough for a person to proceed forward. All forms found on this site are free to download.

2) The USCIS website is also a great source for nationalization resources. If you have already entered the USA and would like to become a citizen, then you can easily find this resources on this internet page. The right to become a citizen of a country is called Naturalization . Once a person has fulfilled their naturalization process, they are considered a citizen.

3) On this site you will also be able to find timetables for different types of Visas. Usually the quickest timetables are those that enter the USA on a Fiance Visa or K1 Visa. These types of Visas take priority over all others. It not uncommon for a person to get a K1 Visa in less than six months. Although not usual, I have seen couples get a Visa like this in 3 weeks. But timelines like these are not usual. The average timeframe if done correctly is six months for a K1 Visa.

As you can see there is a lot of data that can be found through the Citizenship And Immigration Services website. For most, this is a great starting place and for others it is a stepping stone for bigger and great things. The more effort you take in learning about the process, the better off you will be when you actually start submitting Immigration Forms and attending interviews.

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THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION

Saturday, July 1st, 2006

Until very recently, little was known about the impact that immigrants have on the native labor market or about other effects of immigration on the U.S. economy. This situation has changed rapidly in the past few years. Researchers have now produced data sets and econometric methods that enable them to do sophisticated analyses.

The essence of the empirical evidence is that because of changes in U.S. immigration policy and because of changing economic conditions both here and abroad, the United States is currently attracting relatively unskilled immigrants. For the most part, these immigrants have little chance of attaining economic parity with natives during their lifetimes. In short, the United States is losing the international competition for skilled workers to other host countries such as Canada and Australia. America’s poor performance in the immigration market, therefore, suggests a need for re-evaluation of our immigration policy. Among the specific findings that lead to this conclusion are the following:

1. Immigrants in the United States have a small impact on the earnings or employment opportunities of natives. A 10-percent increase in the number of immigrants decreases the average wage of natives by at most 0.2 percent and has little effect on the labor force participation rates and employment opportunities of practically all native groups.

2. Immigrants do, however, have a significant effect on the earnings and employment opportunities of foreign-born persons already residing in the United States. A 10-percent increase in the number of immigrants decreases the wage of foreign-born persons by at least 2 percent.

3. There are 3 to 4 million illegal aliens in the United States. Like their legal counterparts, illegal aliens are typically men and women who live with their immediate families and work in nonagricultural jobs. Illegal aliens have lower earnings than their legal counterparts. This wage differential results nor from employer exploitation of undocumented workers, but from the fact that illegal aliens are less skilled, on average, than legal immigrants.

4. The skills of immigrants entering the United States have declined during the past few decades. Recently arrived immigrants have relatively less schooling, lower earnings, lower labor force participation rates, and higher poverty rates than those arriving in earlier waves had at similar stages of their assimilation into the country.

5. There are great differences in labor market characteristics among national-origin groups. Generally, immigration groups originating in Western Europe are more successful than immigrants from Asia and Latin America. This finding partly reflects the fact that immigrants originating in countries with egalitarian income distributions tend to be more skilled than immigrants originating in countries with substantial income inequality.

6. Contrary to popular belief, the number of relatives sponsored by an immigrant currently residing in the United States is relatively small. Thus there is little reason to suspect that the size of the immigrant flow will eventually explode because of the family-reunification provisions in current immigration policy.

In sum, the nature of America’s offer in the immigration market has changed substantially in the past two or three decades. Although the immigration of unskilled workers to the United States may help to satisfy the demand for menial work performed for relatively low wages, and may lead to lower prices for the goods the immigrants produce and to higher incomes for American consumers, this type of immigration also imposes substantial costs on the American economy. The fundamental question facing policymakers is whether these costs exceed the benefits of unskilled immigration.

 

according to the article « Immigration and the economy » by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST» )

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ATTRACTING SKILLED AND ANSKILLED IMMIGRANTS

Friday, June 30th, 2006

The immigration market approach can tell us much about the skill composition of the immigrant pool. The self-selected sample of immigrants may be dominated by relatively unskilled persons or it may be composed of persons who are highly skilled. The type of skill-sorting that occurs as people move to whichever country makes them the best offer is far from obvious. Nevertheless, it is one of the most important questions that must be addressed by policy makers; after all, the economic benefits of immigration clearly depend on it. The immigration of unskilled workers may allow U.S. manufacturers and fanners to fill menial jobs that require few skills with relatively low­ wage labor. By contrast, the immigration of skilled workers helps provide staff for universities, hospitals, and scientific laboratories. In addition, the immigration of the unskilled will have a different impact on native labor market conditions, on tax revenues, and on the costs of social programs than the immigration of the skilled.

While more careful study is required, it is useful to examine how income inequality in the country of origin affects the type of immigrant attracted by the United States. Consider two alternative source countries, one with a relatively egalitarian income distribution, such as Sweden, and one with a substantial amount of income inequality. Mexico.

Should highly skilled Swedes migrate to the United States? Because of its egalitarian income distribution, highly skilled Swedes do not earn much more than those less skilled. Therefore, highly skilled Swedes find that their earnings opportunities would increase substantially if they migrated to the United States. By the same token, unskilled Swedes find that their economy protects them from the poor labor market outcomes that would likely befall them if they were to migrate to the United States. The self-selection of the immigrant pool originating in Sweden, while small, tends to encourage the migration of skilled persons.

Should a highly skilled Mexican migrate to the United States? Mexico has substantially more income inequality than the United States. Skilled Mexicans find that the Mexican income structure greatly rewards those skills, while unskilled Mexicans have little protection from poor labor market outcomes. As long as they can afford to migrate, unskilled Mexicans have the most incentive to come to the United States, and skilled Mexicans the least; so Mexicans migrating to the United States are likely to be unskilled.

In the end, persons are matched with countries that reward specific skills they have to offer: this is the central implication of the immigration-market approach. As long as individuals migrate to take advantage of different economic opportunities among countries, there is no reason to presume that the United States will always attract the “best and the brightest” or to presume that the United States will be continually flooded with the least-skilled persons of the source countries.

The skill composition of the immigrants in the foreign­ born population in the United States thus depends on how our offer of economic opportunity compares to the offers made by other host countries and by the migrants’ home country. Immigrants originating in some source countries are likely to be substantially more skilled than immigrants originating in other countries. Changes in U.S. immigration policy as well as changes in economic conditions in the United States and in competing host and source countries will alter the composition of the immigrant flow. The competitiveness of the United States‘ offer in the immigration market, therefore, will largely determine the economic impact of immigration on the United States.

according to the article « Immigration and the economy » by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST» )

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WHY CHOOSE TO MIGRATE?

Thursday, June 29th, 2006

Economists typically assume that individuals choose to behave in ways that maximize their well-being. In this context, immigrants strive to choose the country that offers them the best economic opportunities. There exists a close analogy between the immigration market and the job market. Like persons looking for work, potential migrants enter the market; receive offers from competing host countries and their home country, compare the offers, and make a migration decision.

The immigration market approach reveals the link between the components of the U.S. offer (including economic characteristics and the visa-allocation system dictated by the U.S. immigration policy) and the size of the immigrant flow entering the country. As economic conditions in the United States change (relative to those in other countries), different types of persons find it economically beneficial to migrate. Similarly, whenever Congress changes important aspects of immigration policy, immigration costs are altered for many potential migrants, and a different immigrant flow enters the United States. To assess the benefits and the costs of alternative immigration policies, therefore, it is necessary to determine how key components of America’s offer in the immigration market affect the incentives of potential migrants.

If we assume that individuals move in response to better economic opportunities, it is evident that differences in average income levels among countries are a prime determinant of the size and direction of immigrant flows. Immigrants tend to gravitate from low-income countries to high-income countries. Further, the greater the income differential between the countries, the larger the size of the population flow. For instance, the wage differential between Mexico and the United States is the largest income gap between any two contiguous countries in the world. It is not surprising, therefore, that large migration flows originate in Mexico and move toward the United States, instead of the other way around.

according to the article « Immigration and the economy » by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST» )

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THE NATURE OF THE IMMIGRATION MARKET

Wednesday, June 28th, 2006

There are three sets of players in the immigration market: the people contemplating whether to leave their home countries, the governments of immigrants’ home countries, and the governments of the potential host countries. All these players enter the immigration market with different objectives, and it is the interaction among them that leads to a particular sorting among the various countries.

Individuals make the immigration decision by comparing the values of the various alternatives. By considering the financial and legal constraints regulating international migration, they choose the country likely to make them best off. These constraints include individual financial resources. After all, international migration is costly. The costs include direct expenditures, such as out-of-pocket expenses associated with transportation of immigrants and their families to their new homes, and they include indirect costs, such as the income losses associated with spells of unemployment that occur as immigrants look for work in the new country. Because only persons, who have accumulated sufficient wealth and savings, can afford to migrate. the potential migrants’ financial resources obviously influence the immigration decision.

Potential host countries also are important players in the immigration market, for they can encourage, discourage, or prevent the entry of certain groups of persons. In particular, potential host countries are characterized by specific sets of economic opportunities (and sometimes ever greater than it’s necessary - just look at the fashion designer companies and their customers) described by existing income distribution, whereby certain types of skills are highly rewarded and others are not; whereby jobs are easily available in some industries but scarce in others; whereby some occupations are in high demand, but high levels of unemployment persist others; whereby persons who experience relatively poor labor market outcomes are subsidized by the welfare state, while persons who experience favorable outcomes are heavily taxed. These differences in income and employment opportunities by skill, industry, and occupation imply that the attractiveness of the economic “offer” made by a host country will vary among migrants.

Host countries also regulate the size and composition of the immigration flow by imposing restrictions on entry according to the potential migrant’s skills, wealth, occupation, political background, moral rectitude, national origin or family relationships with current residents. For example, current U.S. immigration policy makes immigration costs almost prohibitive for persons who do not already have relatives residing here. Other countries, such as Canada and Australia, have a point system in which potential immigrants are screened and graded on the basis of their educational attainment, age, occupation, and other characteristics. Thus, through their immigration policies and their offers of economic opportunities, host countries compete for the human and physical capital of the potential migrants.

The home countries of potential immigrants are the last major players in the immigration market. Their economies also provide a certain set of income and employment opportunities to their residents, and their immigration policies regulate the size and skill composition of the out-going flow. In some countries, like the United States, citizens are free to leave the country whenever they wish, for any duration, and for whatever reason. In other countries, immigration statutes impose large costs and penalties on potential immigrants and make it very difficult for residents to migrate elsewhere. Moreover, such restrictions often control not only the size but also the composition of the immigration flow. For example, the Soviet Union long prevented the exit of any person who worked in sensitive government jobs, and Cuba prohibited the exit of persons in the age group subject to military service.

According to the article «Immigration and the economy» by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST»)
J. BORJAS is Professor of Economics at the University of California at San Diego. He is author of «Friends or Strangers» published by Basic Books

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WHAT DO MARKETS DO?

Tuesday, June 27th, 2006

Markets are institutions that regulate transactions among individuals. In some markets, goods such as bicycles or cars are exchanged between buyer and seller. A free-enterprise economy uses prices to allocate the scarce goods among the many persons wishing to own them. Only those persons, willing and able to pay the going price, get the goods. Other markets, such as the labor market, guide the allocation of labor among different firms. In these markets transactions involve the exchange of monetary compensation from buyer to seller of the good being purchased.
All markets share two features. They provide the rules of the game in which exchanges are made, and they determine, through the interaction of players in the marketplace, a certain allocation of the scarce resources among competing users. In other words, only a subset of persons will own the limited number of bicycles: and firms and employees will be “married” in a particular sorting of workers to jobs.
There also exists an immigration market, one that allocates persons wishing to leave their current countries of residence among the few countries willing to admit them. Potential migrants, like workers looking for a job, are looking for the best country they can live in. Host countries, like firms looking for specific types of workers, set immigration policies so that they can attract specific types of migrants. Just as the labor market guides the allocation of workers to firms, the immigration market guides the allocation of persons to countries.
The existence of an immigration market implies that countries compete for the physical and human capital of immigrants, that the particular sorting of persons and countries depends on how the offers to potential immigrants differ among the competing countries, and that there will be winners and losers in this competition. Changes in immigration policies alter the flow of immigrants to particular countries.
 according to the article « Immigration and the economy » by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST» ) 

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AN ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE ON IMMIGRATION

Tuesday, June 27th, 2006

How might an economic perspective on immigration help us understand the issues at stake? The answer follows from a crucial hypothesis. It is that immigrants choose to come to the United States. The immigrant flow is composed of the pool of persons who are attracted by the earnings, employment, and welfare opportunities provided by the American economy, which are willing to incur costs associated with immigration, and who are able to gain entry into the country. Persons migrating are “self-selected.” They are not “average” in the country from which they come.
In a sense, the United States competes with other countries, such as the home countries of migrants and other potential host countries, for the immigrants’ human and physical capital. International trade involves not only the movement of goods and services among countries but also the movement of people.
Just as nations compete in a worldwide market in which goods and services are exchanged, they also compete in an immigration market. By presenting a specific set of economic opportunities and by pursuing an immigration policy that prevents the entry of some persons but encourages the entry of others, the United States makes a particular type of “offer” in the immigration market. The attractiveness of the offer, relative to the offers of other countries, determines the size and composition of the immigrant flow entering the United States. This perspective on the study of immigration yields a number of new insights that can play a central role in the ongoing debate about immigration policy.
 according to the article « Immigration and the economy » by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST» ) 

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THE DEBATE OVER RESTRICTIONS

Tuesday, June 27th, 2006

Despite the fact that almost all Americans are immigrants or descendants of immigrants, American history is characterized by a never-ending debate over when to pull the ladder in. The debate over how many and which kinds of immigrants to admit has been and remains heated and is often tainted with racial (if not racist) overtones.
Two arguments are typically used to justify immigration restrictions. The first is that immigrants have an adverse impact on the earnings and employment opportunities of native-born Americans. The People’s Party platform of 1882, representing the populist movement of that era, stated. “Wу condemn . . . the present system, which opens up our ports to the pauper and criminal classes of the world, and crowds out our wage earners.” It may seem that little has changed in the last hundred years, since the same accusations are hurled today at illegal aliens, at boat people originating in Southeast Asia and Cuba, and at other unskilled immigrants.
Second, it is argued that immigrants find it hard to adapt or assimilate in the United States because of their very different cultural, political, or economic backgrounds. This view, in turn, raises fears that a large number of unassimilated immigrants will splinter the country’s national identity.
It may well be that these are valid hypotheses. Proponents of these views, however, often base their arguments more on perceptions or ad hoc theorizing than on solid empirical evidence. Surprising as it may seem, until very recently, virtually no systematic empirical research had been carried out to clarify the issues at the core of the debate over immigration policy.
The modem view of the immigrant experience differs from the earlier, racially tainted portrait by containing both and unfavorable impressions of the Immigrant. Among the axioms of the current conventional wisdom are the following:
• Immigrants have a significant adverse impact on the earnings and employment opportunities of the native-born. By crowding out natives from the labor market, immigrants take jobs away from natives.
• Legal immigrants are, on average, highly skilled and hardworking people and tend to be relatively successful in the labor market.
• There may be as many as 10 million illegal aliens in the U.S. They tend to be single men working in agricultural jobs, and they have an adverse impact on the labor market opportunities of less skilled natives.
• Current U.S. immigration policy is a ticking population time bomb. By allowing current immigrants to sponsor the entry of their relatives, who in turn can sponsor the entry of additional relatives, practically everyone in the world could qualify for entry into the United States.
These impressions about the immigrant experience are widespread. They are also false.
 according to the article « Immigration and the economy » by By George J. Borjas (the journal «THE SENIOR ECONOMIST» )

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IMMIGRATION AND THE ECONOMY

Tuesday, June 27th, 2006

The United States has been populated by peoples from many different national origins, races, religions, cultures, and languages. Over 50 million people chose to immigrate to the United States between 1820 and 1987. These immigrants believed that the United States offered better opportunities for them and their children than did their countries of origin. In an important sense, the American experience is the story of how these very different peoples, united by their search for a better life, built a country. 

To build a country means to build an economy that is why I think it’s very important to analyze the impact of immigration on American economy, the biggest in the world. So, I would like to create a new category, where I will tell you about immigration and the economy. 

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